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Get free delivery with Amazon Prime. Back to top. Get to Know Us. Amazon Payment Products. English Choose a language for shopping. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs. This was fitting, because, in addition to ceasing aid to Guatemala and pressuring its allies to abandon it, the central component of the plan revolved around fake news.

A secret document dated November 12, , spelled this playbook out, step-by-step. This was relatively novel at the time — and also exciting. But, as Truman lamented years later in a Washington Post op-ed , the agency became an operational arm of government. During a time of peace, any aggressive action against another nation had to look like it came from someone other than the United States government.

But — since the U. This keeps them from getting suspicious. Thirty-six-year-old CIA field agent E. Eventually, the agency settled on the perfect candidate, a legendary colonel named Carlos Castillo Armas. I n , Carlos Castillo Armas sat in his jail cell in Guatemala City, his well-toned chest and arm muscles visibly rippling from constant push-ups and chin-ups. Or so the prison guards thought.

It would be back-breaking work for a regular man, but not for a killing machine like Castillo Armas. Finally, one night, after the prison guards had made their rounds, the colonel threw aside his mattress and wriggled his massive, muscular body through the tunnel and popped up outside the prison gates. Castillo Armas was neither a beefy escape artist nor particularly intelligent.

Rather, he was a scrawny, egotistical shit-talker. Hunt and his co-agents also hired local Guatemalans as informants, graffiti artists and rumor-spreaders — though without disclosing that it was the U. The invisible radiation analogy is apt — and exactly what Stage 1 of the Guatemala playbook was about. Research by scholars like University of Wisconsin professor Young Mie Kim reveals that during the election, the Kremlin-backed Internet Research Agency created thousands of disguised social media accounts and over a hundred fake organizations and groups across Facebook, YouTube, Meetup, Twitter and independent websites, and ran thousands of ad and messaging campaigns from them — all of which was meant to look like it came from legitimate American nonprofits and groups of U.

Kathleen Jamieson, a nonpartisan media data expert from UPenn, who rigorously calculated the impact of news manipulation during , explained when we asked her what the first step in a modern disinformation campaign would likely be. Rather than doing any dirty work directly, ideally, people within the Trump campaign could be influenced to take actions that Russia wanted.

The Special Counsel investigation found that they were a cyber-espionage group called Fancy Bear — in the pay of the Russian government. And the publisher of the embarrassing documents? Not Russia; not even the hackers. It was a party even further abstracted from Putin: Julian Assange of Wikileaks. Plausible deniability. I n early , a Texan actor and playwright named David Atlee Phillips was working as an editor at a small newspaper in Chile, when the CIA called him up and offered him a new gig.

A tall, charismatic man who fancied himself something of a spy-from-the-movies type the first James Bond film had come out in , Phillips had worked for the CIA in Chile for a few years, where his newspaper job gave him a plausible reason to talk to people the CIA wanted him to talk to.

It was assistance for a freedom fighter. Satisfied, Phillips agreed to oversee the writing for the propaganda radio station that would support the rebels.

Barnes then left for Washington, and Phillips and Hunt drank rum cocktails and bonded over their shared love of writing spy novels. Like his boss, Hunt, Phillips was a notorious self-promoter. Another unnamed Guatemalan man would help them operate the station.

After a few drunken evenings at Miami nightclubs with his new team according to Phillips , the actor arrived at headquarters in Opa-Locka to start his new job. At HQ, he saw just how sprawling the operation was: a diagram of all the players took up an entire wall of the office.

With all this in place, the next stage, however, was not to jump straight to broadcasting fake news. First, some important seeds would need to be planted. In advance of full-blown psychological warfare, seeds of doubt and conspiracy must be planted and watered.

The energetic nephew of Sigmund Freud, Bernays sported three-piece suits, well-manicured wavy hair, and a precise mustache over an infectious smile. Bernays was doing what he did best: helping people come to a conclusion as if it were their own idea. And because democracy operates on the principle of freedom of choice, such manipulation should be done subtly, Bernays added.

This was not just how Bernays had successfully convinced women to smoke, diet-conscious people to eat bacon for breakfast, and overweight people to stay at the Waldorf hotel — all of which he did. For years, Bernays had warned Zemurray that the gulf between rich and poor in Guatemala could lead to social instability and PR problems for the fruit company.

Now Bernays was concerned that anti—United Fruit sentiment might come to a head. Or worse: sell back its unused land. The movement gained no favor with the Guatemalan public, and the CIA barely kept its role hidden. Bernays could then call up his friends at Time magazine and The New York Times and persuade them to write a series on the growing influence of Communism in Latin America, based on those reports.

He knew how deeply John Foster Dulles and Eisenhower opposed Communism, so he could make sure that those articles got into the hands of influential politicians. Those politicians would denounce Guatemala, and Bernays could get the press to write about that too.

All of which would make it easier for Eisenhower to intervene. Bernays organized a free trip to Guatemala for dozens of U. What Bernays may not have known is how the CIA would end up facilitating the push of these misleading talking points within the U. Sam Zemurray was no softie. Zemurray had built a global conglomerate through ruthless action. For instance, when a deal to import equipment tax-free into Honduras in the s fell apart, he paid Honduran exiles to overthrow the president — and got his business deal.

United Fruit paid Clements and his associates to write a page document called Report on Guatemala , that began with this sentence:. Zemurray also hired well-connected lobbyists to further push the narratives about Communism afoot in Guatemala. In all, United Fruit would spend half a million dollars a year on the campaign.

Even better if U. For a discrediting campaign to sink in, it should come from many angles. Bernays was a well-known liberal, ironically a bit of a bleeding heart. Hence, Zemurray was astute to hire multiple propagandists. Instead, the goal was to create an environment where people would be willing to doubt their previous notions and consider new ones. Similarly, much of the Russian disinformation campaign of — especially in the beginning — was not about convincing people of falsehoods.

It was about sowing seeds of discredit and doubt about Hillary Clinton, and about the U. The insinuations in American newspapers were deceptive enough that Guatemalan Ambassador Toriello complained to the U. State Department about them repeatedly. Getting nowhere, he eventually arranged to personally meet with John Foster Dulles to help set the record straight. This was exactly the plan.

Soon after, another John Clements booklet, the page Report on Central America would become the basis for a grossly inaccurate National Security Council report.

Ambassador to Guatemala John Peurifoy. Big, loud and flashy, Peurifoy filled his bright-colored suits close to bursting, and wore snazzy ties. The trove of declassified documents are full of helpful suggestions from Peurifoy for everything from boycott ideas to whom might be most usefully assassinated. Ambassador Peurifoy was extra grateful for the appointment, and proved it. After dinner, Peurifoy cabled John Foster Dulles with a confident psychoanalysis of the Guatemalan president and the conclusion that the clock was ticking for the U.

Approved, Peurifoy began schmoozing with local reporters and working with the U. Howard Hunt, the operative tasked with liaising between all of the members of the network inside Guatemala: the station chief; Colonel Castillo Armas; the rumor groups in Guatemala; the radio crew; and the Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza and his son Tachito, who were secretly supporting the rebels.

Hunt relished in the spycraft and in meeting with new people — everyone was a potential character for his numerous sexy spy novels, with titles like Be My Victim. Everything was going as planned — until one of the members of the network suddenly double-crossed Hunt.

In late January of , Delgado showed up in Guatemala City with a stack of stolen documents. And the documents included hints that the United States could be involved. Previous historians had never been able to identify who Delgado stole these from. Seekford tried to do damage control for a month, then was sent to D. Howard Hunt himself.

Seekford was compensated on the government pay scale of GS , which meant he was a full-time U. Further, the Hunts had family in Chicago, and E. Howard Hunt suffered from ulcers at the time. Hunt would later have his extramarital affairs monitored by the FBI, be repeatedly criticized in and out of the CIA for his sloppiness — not the least of which included Watergate — and riddle his memoirs with embellishments.

It is not improbable that the propaganda man would lie about being reassigned out of such an important mission as if it were a promotion instead of a screw-up. Whether the document leak indeed came from Hunt, who died in , or from a mystery agent with his same job description and stomach ulcers — what happened next proved that Stage 2 had been a complete success.

It was the biggest news story in Guatemala in some time. The world — and especially the U. Distraction stories proposed by the CIA included flying saucer sightings and the birth of sextuplets. To get the people on your side, you need to change the media narrative. Initially, these broadcasts would need to establish credibility. The goal was to start getting Guatemalans talking about Castillo Armas and the fight against Communism. According to E. Finally, in late April, the crew flew to Nicaragua , with permission from the dictator Anastasio Somoza, to set up a radio transmitter in a shack in the jungle.

T he Guatemalan press reported excitedly on the new station that began broadcasting on kHz on May 1, From then on, each day Phillips and his crew broadcast from 7 a. Each broadcast had music, catch phrases and talking points delivered poetically. In between the sermon-like speeches, the DJs, Mario and Pepe, sprinkled in chatter, jokes and personal talk. The president was popular, and it was well-known that the Communist Party was small.

And besides, the Communists supported agrarian reform, which was incredibly popular with the poor majority of Guatemalans. Whether people initially believe your information is beside the point, though, media data expert Kathleen Jamieson explains. The more mentions of what you, the media manipulator, want discussed, the more that independent media feels pressured to report on it. And the more important those topics appear to the public. And when bad news came out about Trump, Russian state and social media broadcast deflection , which were picked up by Trump proponents, then discussed by the legitimate press.

Were Guatemalan women really organizing against Communism? What was going to happen when the Liberation Army mobilized? Broadcasting itself was legal. What was not legal, however, was for a foreign government to foment a revolution.

At one point, they reported that a woman had been insulted at the airport for carrying copies of El Rebelde , an anti-Communist publication. And they played plenty of music, from cumbia hits to the Berlin Symphony Orchestra.

But the most chilling event was the broadcast that aired three and a half weeks in, on May The DJ pressed on even as the banging sounds got louder and voices in the background shushed each other. Then, suddenly, the DJ started panicking. He announced that the station was being attacked. You can rile up the public by confusing and polarizing them. The key is to exploit their own existing vulnerabilities. C ivil Guard Chief Rogelio Cruz Wer and his commandos lay flat on the jungle floor, trying not to make noise as they breathed.

For weeks, the rebel radio had pummeled the police chief personally — as a power-abuser, a murderer, a Communist. A light was on inside, and the hum of a generator harmonized with the nighttime jungle sounds. He kept reading the script. Truthfully, Cruz Wer and his men never found the station. On the special tape, the crew recorded themselves pretending to be raided by mysterious attackers — using pots and pans for sound effects.

Details were scant, of course. Some of the radio crew may have been arrested by Guatemalan authorities, the papers said. Clearly, at least some of the equipment had been destroyed, the press declared. There it was on the same channel as usual. David Phillips, still an actor at heart, was particularly proud of the fake attack ruse.

Around that time, the station upped the fear factor. And of course, there was news that the Liberation Army was growing and planning. And brazenly, a few days before the fake attack on the radio, the CIA planted a small, unmarked submarine with a cache of weapons on the Nicaraguan shore near the border of Guatemala.

The weapons had Soviet stamps on them and were also accompanied, conspicuously, by a pack of Guatemalan cigarettes. Though reporters who visited the weapons cache could not be fooled, the CIA doctored photographs of the submarine and weapons and managed to trick at least one American newspaper reporter who asked to see photo evidence.

Ambassador Peurifoy held meetings in the U. Embassy with newspaper reporters, and reported up the chain as their articles changed their tone to favor the U. In Guatemala as in the United States in and , those fault lines fell first along race, religion and class. And the big psychological button of the day was fear of American imperialism. Ever since Guatemala had overthrown its dictator in in favor of democracy, a chasm had emerged between those Guatemalans who wanted more American corporate and political influence and those who desired a more independent Guatemala.

The second is because so often misinformation is about listing out the most extreme narratives already out there and making them more salient. And the third reason is because it keeps us from seeing the bigger picture and organizing ourselves in a way that we can respond.

And from this perspective, recent reports that Russian social media trolls have been attempting to further stoke racial tension in America lines up as well. So, the propaganda team pushed news and rumors meant to rile Guatemalans up in their echo chambers.

The rumor network began targeting housewives with specific fear-based gossip. The radio also repeatedly played up fearsome stories about foreigners invading Guatemala and threatening its way of life.

Segments repeatedly reported that Mexicans were exporting Communist rabble-rousers into Guatemala. And they reported that many Europeans were moving to Guatemala to support this new haven for Communism. When a retired Guatemalan pilot named Mendoza defected to Castillo Armas, Phillips and his crew had Mendoza read anti-Communism scripts on air. Not just for the church members, but for the soul of the country itself. No stranger to the suffering that often accompanies writing, the archbishop poured his heart into his work for the better part of a month — finally producing a page letter to the church expressing what God wished for his people in this time of war and disruption.

Against Communism. For months, CIA agents had been working on a plan to distribute propaganda via Guatemalan churches for purpose of riling up the public along religious lines. To do so, agents worked their way into the graces of New York—based Catholic Cardinal Francis Spellman, who helped agents reach Archbishop Arellano and persuade him to help them.

By April, the timing was right to drop some metaphorical bombs from on high. Journalist Stephen Kinzer, co-author of the book Bitter Fruit , told us that he believes David Phillips himself wrote it. After Arellano read the letter to his congregation, the CIA had copies of it distributed to churches throughout the country.

They also announced that the pope had backed the archbishop up. Among the fears murmured within the walls of the Catholic church and stoked by the radio were: a Chapels would be turned into Communist meeting halls, b Communism would replace religious instruction in schools, and c photos of saints would have their faces replaced by Lenin.

This fake news was added to the official U. They pointed fingers at United Fruit, and did so credibly enough that the CIA created a specific propaganda plan to counter it. The Eisenhower administration had ensured that Guatemala could not buy weapons from any of its neighbors.

Further, the U. With a battle brewing — and uncertainty about whether the U. So he bought some from the Czechs. Though perfectly legal, buying weapons from a Soviet satellite was a risky PR move at a time when he was being smeared as a Communist.

But he did keep the purchase top secret. The CIA found out about the purchase and tracked the Alfhem on its voyage. Initially, the agency planned to intercept the ship, but the U. Navy failed to do so.

After the ship landed, CIA mercenaries attempted to sabotage the cargo with dynamite, but a rainstorm ruined the fuses. Journalists confirmed that a shipment of weapons from Prague, via Poland, had indeed landed.

The disclosure further shifted the media agenda inside Guatemala. CIA cables show that U. Until this point, they had serious doubts that PBSuccess would live up to its name. After this, they were overjoyed. Like the Czech arms purchase, the content of the Podesta emails was not illegal. Only the first of those news stories was an admission of a heinous crime, but the way the second was selectively released and widely spread by social media had the effect of curbing the negative story about Trump by diluting it with lots of negative headlines about Clinton.

Shane, one of the authors of this piece, has a close family member who had never even heard about the Access Hollywood scandal until Shane told her about it two years after Trump had won the election. Kathleen Jamieson, the media data expert from UPenn, told us. In other words, if the Guatemalan people had known that it was really a United States intelligence agency that was behind the pastoral letter warning of Communism, they would have treated the information differently.

But instead — in both cases — the sources of the damaging information were not scrutinized, and the trusted press took the story and framed it exactly the way an enemy of the state wanted. Indeed, telegrams reveal that Ambassador Peurifoy made more suggestions that the CIA bomb things than he did suggestions about diplomacy. As June approached, the U. On June 8, Opa-Locka telegrammed Doherty, the CIA station chief, that it was time to start intensifying the radio, leaflet and sabotage campaigns.

After legitimizing your fake news channel, transition into all-out information warfare. And bring in a few real guns, too. Over the past month — with all of the broadcasts depicting the chaos at home and exhorting patriots to join the revolution — the ranks of the Liberation Army had swollen remarkably. Dozens of former National Army officers wore gleaming uniforms, now with the Liberation insignia.

It was an impressive sight to see them all gathered in one place. The news photographer who happened to be in Esquipulas and convinced Castillo Armas to let him take pictures struggled to capture the full magnitude of the surprising growth of the movement in a single shot.

The actual group with Castillo Armas in Esquipulas was tiny. The total membership of the Liberation Army would never end up being very large at all — and it would consist of mostly mercenaries under CIA pay. A week earlier, the Opa-Locka headquarters had sent orders to begin the final phase of the propaganda campaign. Forty days. Artist should arrive. All are green except for one, which is red. Today at 1, we will get together with you at the appointed place. Await Patrol 8 from the Arcadia Group.

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The Plot Murder Radio Show. Night Without End Radio Show. Appointment with Death Radio Show. Mansion of Madness Radio Show. Sandhog Murders Radio Show. Joey's Christmas Story Radio Show. I was thinking of getting a cassette deck as my daughter just got a walkman prouddad etc. Here in Toronto, Cassette Culture is thriving with a lot of help from Duplication. I didnt get near the pro levels of the past! Tascam 4 track and a technics hifi- which had a spectrum analyzer which bamboozled me. Throughout the 80s, 90s and early s was still fairy regularly using cassettes, although in the later years less and less due to cheap digital recording on CD, minidisc, DAT and eventually flash media.

Physicality - the package and the commitment of putting something on tape, feels more ritualistic and permanent somehow. Anyone sitting on an unopened Type II trove is a rich human. Maybe there was a general tape thread? So much good music that I never would have heard of, were it not for this forum! Then, either archive those recordings go further by playing them back into the octatrack for more fun and chaos.

Darkness closes in. Oblivion awaits. This spectral procession fades away. Lay me down atop these peaks. I will reign this temple forever. O Death, embrace me eternally as roots envelop bone. Lament the days gone by. Mourn our ruined kingdom. But praise the strength of spirit that reigns these peaks forever. A 2 song demo was recorded under the name Poltergeist in the spring of , but it was never publicly released. As ideas progressed, the project evolved into Spectral Procession.

The songs on the "Spirit of the Mountain" demo were written between the spring of and the summer of , when the guitars were recorded. The music was largely inspired by 90's black metal, as well as time spent in the Cascade and Rocky Mountains. The recordings were subsequently stolen and lost, until a backup was discovered in late The demo was then completed and released by the band. By that time, the members had already shifted focus to other projects. Now, Spectral Procession is dead.

Front cover photo taken by R. Tags black metal metal vancouver vancouver island Langley. Spectral Procession is E. Spirit of the Mountain demo Abnormal Listening Habits go to album. SModfan go to album.


The broadcast began with trumpet blasts and an orchestra rendition of the Guatemalan national anthem. In their experience, they said, there Deep Black Chasms II - Toorn - Forgotten Times (Cassette) no telling what a cornered man might do. Hundreds of thousands of citizens ran from their homes. Azazel Bedazzle What Deep Black Chasms II - Toorn - Forgotten Times (Cassette) next from Witches Moon is one of my favorite albums in the genre ever. Armes is a legendary and controversial Texan investigator with hooks for hands and six decades chasing criminals. Mix tapes were a wonderful solution: You could create your own playlist, or make one for someone else, and because space on your cassette was limited to 60 minutes or 90, or if you were really luckyyou had to be ruthless in your selection, and only the very best tunes made your tape. But the DJs talked quickly and cleverly, making it nearly impossible for a mere listener to fact-check them — similar to how the barrage of Kremlin-produced fake news stories about electoral fraud and Clinton conspiracies traveled across social media faster than it could be debunked. The songs, by comparison, are shorter than later albums. The limited cassette run of 50 sold out in the first day of release, and for good reason.
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